Ancient Exodus, Modern Democracy: Lessons from Egypt at Passover

The bitter and the sweet

Everyone loves charoset (a mix of chopped fruit and nuts, sweet wine and spices that is supposed to resemble the mortar used to make the bricks the Israelite slaves were forced to make) and I have always been intrigued by the tradition of dipping the maror (bitter herbs such as horseradish, symbolizing the bitterness of slavery) in charoset before we offer the blessing and ingest the bitterness of slavery. Only in the presence of something sweet can we fully take in the bitterness of the maror. Only when hope glimmers can we allow ourselves to feel the full force of the bitterness of our suffering.

While we now know that some of the young Egyptian activists had been preparing for months and even years for a moment such as this, when the time would be ripe for mass protests against the regime, what made this moment the time? More than the sad, desperate self-immolation of Mohamed Bouazizi, a fruit-vender in Tunisia, it was the success of Tunisian protestors in overthrowing their ruler of 23 years sparked hopes in Egypt. Suddenly, people could taste the sweet hope that the freedoms that had for so long seemed unattainable, might now be within grasp. And suddenly, thousands of Egyptians poured into the streets in Cairo and other cities and towns in Egypt, ready to risk beatings and arrest and worse, to stand up and say No More.

Freedom from… Freedom for…?

In calling for the end of the regime of their modern day Pharaoh, Hosni Mubarak, the Egyptians were able to come together in inspiring and moving ways, across lines of religion, gender, class, and education. Their ability to stand together against forces that sought to divide them, even in the face of violent attack, and their success in ousting Mubarak stands as an enormous achievement. And yet, there is no time to lose celebrating. Freedom from the oppressive regime has not yet been fully accomplished. The military, first celebrated by the Egyptians as supportive of the revolution, is now increasingly coming under attack as Egypt’s reviled Emergency Law is still in place, allowing for the continuing arrests and imprisonments, sexual harassment, and torture.

And even as the Egyptians continue to push for freedom from the oppressions of the past, the next question is already upon them, and will shape the formation of political parties going forward. What should this freedom be for? What kind of society do they want to build? What is the vision of a modern Egypt that calls them forward?  For many, the idea that Islam should play some kind of role in their society is appealing. But what kind of Islam? And what kind of influence? And at the same time, for many, the experience of protest in Tahrir Square holds an important piece of the vision: a celebration of the diversity of the Egyptian people, and the dignity of every human being. But the vision needs to be given fuller shape and expression, which will include but not be limited to the establishment of new laws. Moving toward Freedom For involves even harder work and is a lot messier than fighting for Freedom From. The Egyptians and the rest of the world need to be prepared for a sometimes slow and circuitous journey.

Freedom from… freedom for…? The experience of the Egyptians points us back to one of the great challenges of our own Exodus. We relive and celebrate our own humble beginnings as slaves with a transformative journey from slavery to freedom, but we are reminded that this freedom is only the first step of a long journey through the wilderness, toward a fuller freedom that still needed to be defined. From our first steps into freedom from slavery, we had to begin to chart that journey, a journey that took us to Sinai and beyond, that included far-reaching laws and teachings, toward a fuller redemption for us and the world. If our journey had not included Sinai, (or Shabbat, or Israel, or a few other things listed in  Dayenu, one of people’s favorite  songs that we sing at the seder) would we still be around to tell the tale of the Exodus?

So the journey continues, and in every generation, every year, we ask ourselves at Pesach, how, this year, are we enslaved? What is the liberation that calls to us most deeply? What do we need freedom from?  What do we need freedom for? And what is the path to this liberation? What is our maror, and our charoset? What is the bitterness for us, and what offers the sweetness of hope that can wake us up to the full bitterness of our current oppression, and galvanize us forward to seek liberation?  We are invited to look inward and outward in asking these questions, to consider the broadest political landscape as well as the deepest inner spiritual terrain, and to realize that we do not need to choose between them, but rather can seek new connections between the two realms we too often see as separate.

Our seder tables may hold the best possibility for exploring these questions together, so we can all experience again the promise of the holiday, and perhaps, be able to take a few real steps forward on our journeys.

Happy Passover!

Can Egypt Lead the Way?

In April, 2006, when we were living in Cairo, Egyptians took to the streets in support of the relatively new “Judges Movement.” Hundreds of pro-reform judges were demanding that the country’s judiciary be granted independence so it could function with integrity in matters such as supervising free elections. When two leading figures of the Judges Movement were threatened with disciplinary hearings and possible disbarring, hundreds of Egyptians joined protest demonstrations in Cairo and Alexandria. Each demonstration was met with more riot police and more beatings and arrests. But with each demonstration, increasing numbers of Egyptians took to the streets and the hopes that the Judges Movement could make a difference grew.

I found my own hopes stirred by an opinion piece by Rami G. Khouri, in The Daily Star, the Lebanon-based independent English daily that is read all over the Middle East. Khouri argued that if the judges persisted in their demands, it might well prove the impetus for change Egyptians had been waiting for. The high respect Egyptians had for judges and the fact that the principles being championed by the judges were key to the political reforms so many Egyptians hungered for, combined to create a potentially large following for the Judges Movement.

Khouri claimed the Judges Movement could have an impact well beyond Egypt. Every important political trend in the modern Arab world had started in Egypt and then spread, he noted, from anti-colonial resistance to nationalism to pan-Arabism to the Muslim Brotherhood and modern Islamist politics. He noted that because of Egypt’s more recent “slide into authoritarianism, mediocrity and marginality,” its leadership role in the Arab world was sometimes forgotten, but it could still reassert itself. Khouri expressed the hope that like Poland’s independent trade union Solidarity in 1980, the Judges Movement could easily become the rallying point for the nation and send out ripple effects beyond the country’s borders through the entire region. Khouri’s arguments were persuasive and inspiring.

In the end, the regime put down the Judges Movement with a display of brutal force. Not thousands but tens of thousands of riot police greeted the hundreds of demonstrators trying to gather in Tahrir Square on May 18, beating civilians and foreign journalists alike, and arresting hundreds. The high hopes that had been kindled were snuffed out, at least for the immediate present.

Now these hopes have been not only rekindled, but with the dramatic initial successes of the protestors, transformed into even greater hopes for the Egyptian people.

Rami Khouri has been closely following and writing about the events unfolding in Egypt. Again, he points to the potential for the events in Egypt to point the way forward for the whole region. He notes the truly historic achievements already attained by the young Egyptian protestors in Tahrir Square, who launched “the first significant process of national self-determination by an Arab citizenry demanding to define its own national values, governance system, and policies -- perhaps the first time since the birth of the modern Arab state system.” If this revolution proves a success, Khouri argues, it will not only change the internal reality for Egyptians, but will restore Egypt to “the epicenter of Arab identity, ideology, activism—and pride.”

At the time of this writing, the world is watching as the ripples from Tunisia and Egypt continue to spread and tens of thousands of protestors take to the streets in Bahrain, Jordan, Iran, Yemen, and Libya. Forced to stand up to far greater violence, the protestors in these countries are refusing to cave in, clearly inspired by the success of non-violent protest at Tahrir Square. Even in Libya, where the uprisings have met with the most violent response, demonstrations continue to spread and have now reached the capital, Tripoli. And the ripple effects have now spread even to Morocco, where thousands of people have taken to the streets calling not for revolution or regime change, but for serious reforms.

But ripple effects can move both ways. Egypt is not immune from the impact of events in Libya, Iran, Bahrain, and Yemen. If Qadaffi manages to stay in power by suppressing with brutal force the protest movement that has been gaining momentum in Libya, this may well influence future choices made by leaders of the Egyptian military. And with every victory of non-violent protest, Egyptians intent on moving toward democracy will be strengthened in their resolve, and the Egyptian military leaders may well be more motivated to negotiate meaningful government change. How events play out in each of these countries will carry ripple effects beyond their own borders into Egypt.

The process of political change is beginning to move forward in Egypt. There have some positive signs such as meetings between the leaders of Egypt’s Supreme Council of the Armed Forces with some of the Opposition leaders. But the Emergency Law is still in place, and several hundred Egyptians who disappeared during the protests are still not accounted for.

And Egyptians are moving forward with the process of amending their constitution. They are  considering what changes need to be made even before elections to begin to restructure their government in ways that will provide checks on political and economic power, and eliminate the kinds of corruption that have crippled Egypt’s efforts to provide real opportunities to all its citizens. Most of this work will not be as visible day to day as the tens of thousands of protestors in Tahrir Square. But this is the work with which Egypt can provide lasting hope to millions—not only its own citizens but those of the entire region and the world.

First Hopes Realized

Feb 11, 2011

What a glorious day for the Egyptian people. Even after the predictions of violence last night when Mubarak surprised his country and the world by refusing to step down, the protesters did not resort to violence but sustained peaceful demonstrations as their numbers continued to swell across Cairo and the country.

And now Mubarak has stepped down and the Egyptian people have taken their future into their own hands. This first success of the Egyptian Revolution  as a revolution of the people, accomplished  through non-violent sustained protests, in the face of arrests, torture and even killings, is a tribute to the Egyptian people and an inspiration to millions all over the world.

When President Obama spoke today he quoted Martin Luther King: "‘There's something in the soul that cries out for freedom.’ Those were the cries that came from Tahrir Square, and the entire world has taken note…

"The word tahrir means 'liberation.' It is a word that speaks to that something in our souls that cries out for freedom. And forevermore, it will remind us of the Egyptian people: of what they did, of the things that they stood for, and how they changed their country, and in doing so changed the world.” 

There is a lot of work ahead for the Egyptian people and all who will want to support their efforts. But today I join the Egyptian people in celebration. MABRUK!

My Hopes for Egypt

February 10, 2011

As I write this, things are changing by the moment in Egypt. The escalation of the protests. News that Mubarak is stepping down. His awaited speech and refusal to step down. And it keeps going. With the passions and the stakes raised higher and higher.

As an American Jew who lived in Cairo in 2006, I look at the unfolding events with somewhat different eyes than I would have before. When I receive an email from an Egyptian friend expressing her fears of a possible massacre against the protestors planned, after pro-Mubarak forces first tear into Tahrir Square attacking the protestors from  horses and camels, I feel her terror. When I look at the protestors’ faces I see in my mind the people I knew with college degrees and no jobs, as well as the lucky ones who struggle to put food on the table for their families, meeting frustration at every turn if they try to imagine a better life for themselves or their children. I see the demonstrators in Tahrir Square in 2006 in support of the Judges Movement, a protest movement that was brutally suppressed by this regime.

The explosion of this youth-led Egyptian Revolution has led many of us to feel more inspired and hopeful about the possibilities of real change in Egypt than ever before. And yet at the same time, there are serious reasons for apprehension and fear for Egypt’s future. The unleashing of decades’ worth of pent up anger and frustration of millions of people is a powerful force for change—and for chaos. United against a common enemy, it is relatively easy to contain and direct the passions of people. What comes next poses far greater dangers. We know that the process of moving toward a true constitutional democracy pose enormous challenges and inevitable disagreement over what is the best way forward. Who will be able to garner the support and trust of the people—and the army and the current power brokers—to guide this process?

The fears I hear expressed most are: what will this mean for Israel? what if the Brotherhood hijacks the Revolution? While these fears are real, I believe the risks of the current regime maintaining power—whether in the name of Mubarak or Suleiman or any other like-minded member of the regime—are even greater.

The young leaders who have been quietly guiding the protests, represent some of the best and the brightest of Egypt. They are young doctors, lawyers, engineers, and entrepreneurs who are well-educated, savvy, creative thinkers, and passionate in their desire for true democratic freedom and economic opportunities for themselves and their country. Many of them are non-ideological—they are not Islamist, communist, or socialist. They want to forge a way forward that includes the broadest spectrum of the Egyptian people possible. They may well represent the best hope for Egypt’s future.

If the Regime is allowed to maintain its grip on power, I fear that we will see a brutal crackdown on the leadership of this protest movement and once again, the strongest hopes for democratic change will be eliminated.

As in the past, the suppression of opposition voices now would effectively strengthen the Muslim Brotherhood as the only real alternative the government has been willing to allow to stand, even in its illegal status. This may be because of the Muslim Brotherhood’s usefulness: Mubarak’s government has successfully used the Brotherhood as a foil, convincing the Western world and Israel that we need his regime to keep the Muslim Brotherhood in its place.

What I saw close up when I lived in Egypt in 2006 is that Mubarak has done the same thing with his people in relation to Israel. Under Mubarak’s leadership, Egypt has maintained a peace treaty with Israel for three decades, and has served as a key ally both for Israel and the US in the Middle East, playing a critically important role between Israelis and Palestinians and in the American fight against terror. At the same time, Mubarak has also played to his people’s fears of Israel and has consistently exploited them to deflect attention from the failures of his own regime. Living in Egypt in 2006, I saw Israel attacked on a daily basis in the state-controlled press and television. Egyptians we knew in Cairo were afraid to be seen with an Israeli or walking into the Israeli Academic Center, and certainly travelling to Israel, for fear of being noticed by the Egyptian authorities and regarded as suspect.

We cannot minimize the risks ahead with the possible fall of this government. The implications for Israel and the whole region, for the US and the world, are enormous—and unclear. The risks are great. But again, the risks may be even greater if Mubarak’s government stays in place.

One of my friends in Egypt last week said that the protests and its leaders have brought out the best in people. May this continue to characterize the protestors’ actions and may the deep hunger for freedom that has found its voice among millions of Egyptians succeed in reaching its goals for a new Egypt, worthy of its people.